No More Pakistan

* "Pakistan : Nationalism Without A Nation" — Christophe Jaffrelot

* " Pakistan will be finished till 2024 " — Dr. Israr Ahmed, the great thinker of Pak

* " Afghanistan and Pakistan together will become a political entity in future " — The End Of Earth by Robert D Kaplan

Sardar Akhter Mengal resigned from Baloch National Party in 1998 in protest against the conduct of the Nuclear Test in Baloochistan because, he claimed, they had been decided without consulting him and the honour of the Baluchis was at stake. After the resigned, Mangel reverted back to his traditional Baluch nationalist discourse. In an interview to the Muslim he declared, for instance: 'We are forced to look for identity.'

The trajectory of the Baluch Nationalist Movement comes as a reconfirmation of three key features of the ethnic issues in Pakistan. First, self-determination movement crystallize in reaction to the overgeneralized and authoritarian methods of the state ( as already noticed in the case of the movement for Bangladesh and Pakhtunistan, or Pakhtunkhwa).

The Map of Shattered Pakistan

The Map of Shattered Pakistan

Second, the co-operation of the ethnic leaders or the making of alliances between their parties and national parties tend to defuse the centrifugal tendencies: this process reflects the integrative capacity of power that we have already underlined in the case of rural Sindh and NWFP( Khyber - Pakhtunkhwa & FATA).

Third, the intensity of the nationalist feelings also depends upon the distribution of power and the socho - economic situation: this political economy of separatism, a nation which has obvious affinities with the theory that Ernest Gellner developed on the basis of other case studies , was already evident from the Pakistan Movement before 1947 and from all the ethnic Separatist Movements we have studied so far.

The early 1970s when Bengali, Sindhis, Baluchis and Pathans were attracted to separatist movements. At that time, the ideology of Pakistan remained identified with the minority muslims of British India who had searched for a state to govern and even more with the Punjabis who had gradually dislodged the Mohajirs from political power. While the Bengali were further alienated by the over - centralization of the Pakistani State, and seceded in 1971, the Sindhis, the Baluchis and the Pathans, who had to suffer from the Punjabi domination too, eventually got more integrated when they secured some power or achieved upward mobility. The Punjabi domination is still very much resented, as evident from the protests against the second Sharif Goverment (1997-9) when not only the Prime Minister and 85 per cent of his ministers were from Punjab., " But also the President, Tarar, and for some time the Chief of the Army Staff, Jahangir Karamat. The domination of Punjab is almost inevitable during the democratization periods since more than half of the constituencies of the National Assembly ( 141General + 33 women out of 272 General + 60 women) are located in Punjab ( against 61+14 in Sindh, 51+9 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and 16 +4 in Balochistan). But it is also inevitable as the Army which rules the country is Punjabi - dominated. It is a universal truth.

In October 1998, the opposition to the Punjabi 'hegemony' found a new expression in the establishment of the ' Pakistan Oppressed Nationalities Movement' ( PONM ). This anti-Punjab front, which has been initiated by ANP leaders, has separatist overtones and, furthermore, all its components, be they Pakhtun, Baloch, Sindhi, Muhajir, Taliban in FATA, Shumali in Gilgit- Galtiyan or Udabhandi in Muzaffarnagar ( Sharada pith Anchal) play the electoral game for your expansion and securities , and every time agitate for your identity, sovereignty to secure nationality. It asks for a truly federal system, proportional representation of all the provinces in the army as well as the administration and the creation of a Sraiki province. The Sraiki movement took shape in the 1970s when the speakers of Riasti ( in Bahawalpur), Multani ( in Multan) and Derajati ( in Dera Ghazi Khan) came to consider that they spoke the same language, an idiom called Shaili. This local identity come to undermine the regional , Punjabi identity.

The Map of North-West Frontier countries of “Bharat-Parisangh”(भारत-परिसंघ)